Different priorities

May14-20, 2009

Al-Ahram

Emad Gad looks behind the choreography of Netanyahu's Egyptian visit

Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu knew exactly what he would hear from President Hosni Mubarak before setting off for Cairo on Monday. Mubarak's invitation to Netanyahu had been delivered by Chief of General Intelligence Omar Suleiman who made it clear that it did not extend to newly appointed Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman unless he publicly apologised for the provocative remarks he has made against Egypt. Though Lieberman has since declared his esteem for Egypt it was felt this did not constitute a sufficiently explicit apology to allow him to accompany his prime minister to Cairo.

In their meetings with Netanyahu Egyptian officials stressed the need for Israel to halt all settlement activity, resume negotiations on the basis of a two-state solution, to reach an agreement with Hamas over the restoration of calm, to conclude a prisoner swap in which Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit would be returned in exchange for hundreds of Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons, and to lift the blockade against Gaza and reopen border crossings.

While Netanyahu expressed a wish to resume peace negotiations with the Palestinians as soon as possible -- hopefully within a few weeks -- he conspicuously avoided any suggestion that he approved of the two-state solution, the Annapolis understandings, the roadmap or any other agreement that might lead to an independent Palestinian state. Instead he spoke at length about divorcing the economic, security and political tracks in the peace process.

There is nothing new to Netanyahu's Likudist "vision". Menachem Begin first tried to sell it to Egypt in 1977 and the Likud Party has been pushing for it ever since. Predictably, Netanyahu also harped on about the struggle between moderates and the forces of extremism in the region, and on the need for the former to take a common stance against a potentially nuclear Iran. When it came to this threat Cairo and Tel Aviv were on the same side, he claimed.

Egyptian officials had anticipated the substance of Netanyahu's remarks and shifted the focus onto the need to prioritise the Palestinian question. A just solution to the Palestinian cause, leading to the creation of an independent Palestinian state will, they insisted, support the forces of moderation in the region and sweep the rug from beneath those extremists who use the festering Palestinian problem and Israel's reneging on its commitments to the peace process and its crimes against the Palestinian people to garner popular support.

It was also important for Egypt to stress that while it has not yet been confirmed that the Iranian nuclear programme is capable of producing a nuclear weapon, and regardless of whether Tehran is bent on possessing one, Israel possesses more than 200 nuclear warheads and advanced delivery systems. This being the case, and given Cairo's oft repeated commitment to seeing the region become nuclear-free, it was pointless to speak of Egyptian-Israeli solidarity against Iran. Netanyahu was also reminded the US was no longer willing to ignore Israel's refusal to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). In her opening statement to the Preparatory Committee for the 2010 NPT Review Conference, Assistant Secretary of State Rose Gottemoeller included Israel, alongside India, Pakistan and North Korea, in the countries Washington wants to adhere to NPT provisions.

Ultimately, Netanyahu's visit to Cairo was a formality, a gesture on the part of Cairo and Tel Aviv to put paid to the notion that the two countries are heading towards another "cold war". The visit signalled that relations between the two countries will continue as usual, neither warm nor cold, but rather with temperatures fluctuating depending on developments on the Palestinian front.

Netanyahu is now scheduled to fly to Washington to meet with President Barack Obama on Monday. A week later, on 26 May, Mubarak will also meet with Obama in Washington. On 4 June Obama will come to Cairo, from where he will deliver his first major address to the Arab and Islamic worlds. Naturally, everyone is looking forward to this event which may, in large measure, be in response to Egyptian peace-making efforts.

Clearly Cairo is much closer than Tel Aviv to Washington when it comes to the new administration's approach to the Middle East. Indeed, Obama's forthcoming visit may signal Washington's first major rupture with Israel since president Eisenhower condemned the Tripartite Aggression in 1956. Then Washington was incensed that it was not consulted beforehand and saw an opportunity to drive the final nail into the coffin of British and French influence in the Middle East. Today's administration is undoubtedly inspired by other motives, foremost being the desire to free US foreign policy from Israeli dictates and allow US interests the upper hand in setting America's foreign policy agenda. Such a shift will do much to improve Washington's image in the region and strengthen its relations with the Arab and Islamic worlds.

None of this has escaped Netanyahu who has dug in his heels on every issue in advance of his meeting with the American president, during which he hopes to gauge for himself how committed Obama is to the two-state solution. It remains to be seen whether Netanyahu has anything new to offer Washington.